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By Shamshad Ahmad
Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah had a special place in his heart for Balochistan. He not only chose to spend the last days of his life in this province but was also mindful of the injustices of the colonial period that the people of Balochistan had suffered and inherited.
Addressing the first Sibi Darbar on February 14, 1948, he said: "Let me assure you that I have not for one moment allowed the affairs of Balochistan to slip out of my mind.
I have thought and thought, considered and pondered, over the ways and matters of improving the lot of our people in this province and of enabling them to secure for themselves the same position and the same political status within the polity of Pakistan, which are open to their brethren in other provinces...."
These words of the Quaid clearly show his farsightedness in grasping the underlying faults of the situation in Balochistan which he felt had to be repaired as a national priority.
He was fully conscious of the long-standing grievances of the people of Balochistan and of the need to redress them by giving them a direct say in the administration and governance of their province.
In fact, the Quaid did announce some provisional reform measures on the same occasion while also assuring them of a future package of reform to ensure their socio-economic and political well-being.
That package has yet to come. Unfortunately, his vision of the future of Balochistan also remains unfulfilled. Meanwhile, over the years, the situation in the province has been aggravating as a result of larger issues of governance and political instability that have plagued the history of Pakistan since its independence.
The reality is that our problems are not confined to Balochistan alone. Since our independence, the people of Pakistan in all provinces have had no role in determining the course of their history or the direction of their country’s political, economic and social policies. They have been exploited in the name of ideology and external threats while the real domestic challenges facing the country have remained un addressed.
The successive governments, elected or non-elected, have been presiding over fateful, and in some cases, painful moments in our country’s history without taking the people into confidence or accepting the responsibility for the tragic consequences of their actions or policies.
We have had no national agenda formulated by any government encompassing the political, economic and social well-being of our people. In effect, the original vision of the Quaid’s Pakistan woefully remains blurred.
For more than half a century now, Pakistan has been wallowing in political and economic uncertainty and has had neither domestic peace and harmony nor stability on its borders. Its post-independence political history is replete with endemic crises and challenges that perhaps no other country in the world has experienced.
Balochistan is an unending tale of our political and socio-economic lapses. Ironically, despite its abundance in the wealth of natural resources, it remains the most backward province of the country.
A deep-rooted sense of deprivation and frustration has made its people highly suspicious of the policy-makers in Islamabad, raising serious questions about the state of federalism in Pakistan.
The current atmosphere is so murky that even genuine development projects initiated by the federal government are suspected and resisted only because there are unaddressed questions in terms of their actual utility and benefit to the people of Balochistan.
The developments of Gwadar without significant stakes for the local populace and the troubled Sui situation, precipitated by gross mishandling of a case of crime have only deepened the crisis.
Fifty years ago, we tried to compromise on our federal structure by abolishing the provinces in West Pakistan and substituting them with highly manipulative and controversial One Unit which deepened the East-West polarization and eventually led to the break-up of the federation and the country.
One of the oldest federations of the world, the United States, took more than two hundred years of experimentation, and went through phases of flux, trial and tribulation, wars and depressions before it reached its maturation level.
Our neighbour, India has also had a tradition of problematic federalism with secessionist ethnic conflicts raging in East Punjab and some of its North Eastern states, not to speak of the liberation struggle in the occupied state of Jammu and Kashmir.
Historically, two methods have been identified to deal with the menace of faction: one by removing its causes and the other by controlling its effects. Then, there are two alternatives of removing the causes of faction: the first by destroying the liberty which sustains its existence, and the second, by giving to every citizen the same opinion, the same cause, the same rights and the same interests.
It is a difficult choice. The first remedy is worse than the disease; and the second one is impracticable. The only solution lies in recourse to debate and dialogue and mutual adherence to the agreed constitutional framework. Wherever a change or adjustment is warranted, it should be made through political and constitutional means.
Force is not a solution. Use of military power within a state and against its own people has never been an acceptable norm. Some people view it as a recipe for intra-state implosions, a familiar scene in Africa. In our own country, we have had very bitter and tragic experiences in the past and must not repeat the same mistakes. We cannot afford any more tragedies and national debacles.
The problems of Balochistan over the years perhaps are not exclusively rooted in our Constitution. We have a clear constitutional framework delineating the federal and the concurrent legislative lists with all residuary subjects being left to the provinces, including Balochistan.
In essence, the problems are in the non-implementation of the Constitution and in the patterns of governance and the centres of power that have kept the whole country in a state of flux for all these years of our independent statehood. The sharp ethnic tensions are the result of continued sense of political and economic neglect among the people of the smaller provinces.
There is a strong underlying resentment in Balochistan (and in other provinces also) against what is seen as continued "Punjabi dominance", inequitable distribution of power and resources, and exploitation of province’s natural wealth.
In East Pakistan also, the problems started with similar deep-rooted sense of deprivation and a feeling of political and economic alienation which over time became a politico-constitutional crisis involving a demand for larger autonomy, and leading eventually to the break-up of the country.
These are exceptional times warranting exceptional responses to our problems. We must avoid reaching points of no return. No doubt, the central government’s legitimate authority and writ within the constitutional framework, particularly in terms of its responsibility to maintain the territorial integrity of the federation and to ensure the security of the vital national installations, including gas and communication networks remains unexceptionable.
We must however, genuinely look for fair and permanent solutions. The problem in Balochistan will be resolved only through political and economic means, not by use of military force or through violence by militants.
The people of Pakistan have been following this crisis with anxiety and concern and expect the government to show sense of maturity and circumspection in dealing with the issues involved. In addressing the question of the basic rights of the people of Balochistan, ad hoc approaches and half-hearted measures will not do.
Irrespective of the questions about its role and performance, the parliament remains the competent body to address the issues of federalism in Pakistan. It was encouraging to know that a parliamentary committee with representation from all political components of the National Assembly and Senate, including the Opposition parties, had been engaged over the last few months in a process of political consultation to evolve consensus on a package of remedial political, economic and constitutional measures for redressing the legitimate grievances of the people of Balochistan.
Lately, there have been questions involving the bona fide competence of the committee prompting some of the Baloch members to resign from its membership. Immediate confidence-building is needed. We hope there will be sincerity of purpose on the part of all stakeholders in this process. All sides must understand the irreparable costs of unintended consequences.
The question of provincial autonomy remains the key to addressing the issues of federalism. If any changes are needed in our Constitution, they should be made. Our Constitution has been amended umpteen times for reasons of political power and expediency. It can be amended now to remove the underlying causes of injustice and socio-economic deprivation of the people of smaller provinces.
In implementing development projects, the government must ensure that the maximum benefit accrues to the province and its people in terms of improved infrastructure and better living facilities, including health and educational services, and access to the use of their natural resources. They must get what is owed to them.
Like elsewhere in the world, the people of Balochistan also need to be freed of the outdated and exploitative Darbari and Sardari tribal system which keeps them backward to sustain its own privilege and power.
If the universal principles of democracy and equality have any relevance in the context of Balochistan, the Sardars must understand the new realities of the world. Instead of obstructing genuine development and security related projects, they should welcome any public or private investments in their province which would ultimately bring direct or indirect socio-economic dividends to their people.
Balochistan needs economic development which will come only in an environment of peace and tranquillity, free of exploitation, blackmail or duress from any source. With greater share in political power and better economic opportunities, the people of Balochistan could chart for them a new and better place in the federation of Pakistan.
The writer is a former foreign secretary.
http://www.dawn.com/2005/02/14/op.htm#1 |
