BALOCHUNITY.ORG | OPINIONS

However, local and nationalist politicians have strong reservation vis a vis the development activities of government. It is feared that centrally executed mega project would seriously affect the locals. Unrest and terrorist activities under the umbrella of so-called Baloch Liberation Army dominate the scene.

The purpose of the study is, to find out the fears, reservations of locals, nationalist politicians and over all reasons behind the unrest in the province. Furthermore the aim of study is to help the government of Pakistan to effectively address the real issues so that whole country could reap the benefits of development.

Study is based on focus group session, interview with nationalist politicians and factual analysis.

It was found in the study that Baloch unrest and ethno-nationalism is about due share in the existing state power structure. Present NFC award or fiscal disbursement formula is unjust and unable to bring the backward provinces in the fold of progress and development. Province wise gas royalty formula contains biases. Gwadar deep-sea port could result in demographic imbalance. As per UNDP Pakistan National Human Development Report 2003, districts of Balochistan are the most backward areas of Pakistan. Over centralization of decision-making due to the constitution is creating sense of alienation and frustration in province. Establishment of army cantonment in Balochistan without consent of nationalists or locals would result in more unrest. Balochistan is the most poorly represented province in national services. Provinces are not allowed to sign petroleum and gas exploration related contracts. It is not foreign investment and development schemes that can bring peace, but it is peace and stability that can bring foreign investment and development.

Key words: Ethnicity, Nationalism, Identity, Development, Conflict, Economic and Political Rights.

Baloch live on their traditional territory in Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan, but over the centuries have also migrated to neighboring regions in Sindh, Turkmenistan, the Arab gulf states, East Africa, India, and most recently, around the world to Europe, Canada, the USA and Australia.

"Baloch" or "Baluch"? There is no agreed international standard on what to call this people and country.

"A brief mention must also be made of the transliteration of the ethnonym "Baloch" into English. Prior to 1990 the term was spelled a myriad of ways - "Baluch", "Baloch", "Belooch", "Biloch" - the most common being "Baluch". In 1990 the provincial government of Pakistan Balochistan decreed that the official English spelling was to be "Balochi", and this has become the accepted standard in Pakistan".¹

Balochistan is the largest province of Pakistan with an area about 343,000 square km. Although it is bigger than the British Isles, Its population is only about one million. This is perhaps due to its tough terrain and scarcity of water. To its south is Arabian sea, to its west-Iran, and to its north is Afghanistan. It also shares boundaries with the provinces of Punjab, Sind and NWFP. Makran- an important coastal town of Balochistan is almost entirely desert with low, dry hills rising from 300 meters to 2500 meters in the north. To its west, in the proximity of Iran, more expansive desert plains reign supreme. This is where the Chagai and Toba Kakar Mountain Ranges form the borders of Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan.2

One of the ancient inhabitants of central Caspian region, the Baloch trace their national identity as a tribal union for the first time in connection with their military support to forces of Iranian Monarch, Cyrus (546-529 BC) against the Medes. References by Arab and Persian chroniclers to a Koch-o-Baloch and their hold on major areas of Kerman and Seistan as far as the sea signify that these tribes had a political and administrative structure with a centralized authority which forged alliances with other tribes as well as with rulers of Persia and the Indus valley.3

From 16th to mid-19th century, much of Balochistan was under the rule of independent and autonomous Baloch tribal principalities. The first Baloch ruler in 17^th century was Naseer Khan Ahmed-zai. The Baloch political standing was changed radically in later decades, when the British and Persian empires divided Balochistan into spheres of influences, agreeing on an artificial border in 19^th century, between British Empire in India and Persian Kingdom.4

Balochistan went through three armed conflicts since its forcible merger with Pakistan. The first was in 1948. Later events in 1958, and 1974 were extra parliamentary reactions of an ethnic nationality perceiving the threat of subjugation.5

Undoubtedly, Balochistan is currently the center of attention of the decision-makers in Islamabad. After a five decade long period of negligence and discrimination, the province

Efforts are being made by the federal government to develop the huge natural resources Balochistan is endowed by nature. Its tremendous mineral potential, wider scope of agriculture development, its water resources, its strategic location of immense geopolitical importance, its sea-resources and the colossal potential in all sectors of economic development have endeared attention of important persons not only in Islamabad but also outside the country.6

One of the prominent Baloch nationalist, Senator Sanaullah Baloch believes в?othat in the age of globalization, one of the important tools for furthering regional cooperation is to increase economic ties. In this regard, he said that the countries of the region can make use of the large amount of gas available in countries like Iran. Both Pakistan and India are energy-deficient and can benefit a lot from the transport of gas from Iran through Balochistan. Pakistan can fulfill its own energy needs and also earn transit fees from countries like India who would benefit from such a pipeline. The Pipeline originates in Asaluyeh, near the south Pars fields; it then travels to Pakistan through Khuzdar to Karachi, a second section traveling to Multan and then to Delhi.в?ќ 7

The Chinese have been investing in various projects in Balochistan like the Saindak Project (Chinese investment/funds to the tune of US $ 40 million), Gas Exploration, (BGP) (US $ 1 million), Gwadar port (US $ 240 million), Coastal Highway linking Karachi and Gwadar (US $ 200 million), Rail Link from Dalbandin via Panjgoor to the Gwadar deep sea port (US $ 142 million).8

Nationalists believe that in the long run China may utilize Gwadar port for its economic and geo strategic interests in the region.

Senator Baloch believes that the US influence in the region is aimed at using Baloch land and Sea to cement its presence in order to protect its strategic and economic interests in Central Asia, South Asia, South West Asia, China, and to have a direct access to Strait of Hormuz (Persian Gulf). The US also wants to control the geo-politics of the region particularly the regional engagements of Iran, and fight against terrorism.9

The Senator argued that the Iranians also have their interests in the region which may be explained by the fact that Iran wants to develop its economy to meet the demands of modernization by way of promoting higher Gas export, improve regional security, lessen US presence in the region, make inroads into Central Asia and Afghanistan, and curb Baloch, Kurd and Azeri movements within Iran.10

Historically ethno-nationalism had been a source or cause of unity, as well as intolerance in the human society. It is necessary to examine the meaning of the terms, "ethnicity" and "nationalism." Max Weberв?Ts discussion remains among the most penetrating we have.11 For him, the definitions of "ethnic group" and "nation" are very close, though not quite equivalent. An ethnic group is, at bottom, a "people"12 that holds "a subjective belief in their common descent." Their identity is "presumed," which means that it is "artificially" or "accidentally" associated with a set of characteristics such as physical appearance, customs, common memories, language, religion, etc.13 "Almost any kind of similarity or contrast of physical type and of habits," says Weber, "can induce the belief that affinity or disaffinity exists between groups that attract or repel each other."14 This way of putting it, underscores the fact that the discourse of ethnicity at once homogenizes and differentiates.15 The very artificially selected ethnic indicators that create "affinities" among insiders simultaneously create "disaffinities" with outsiders.

The emergence of Baloch ethnic nationalism as a response to the imposition of the centralized modern state system by the British colonialists and goes on to argue that the highly centralized state of Pakistan and its unwillingness to allow regional and ethnic autonomy forced the nationalist forces to launch a guerrilla war against the state. My argument is that, too often, nationalism has been interpreted in terms of good and bad, tribal and modern, civic and ethnic, etc. which blurs the most important aspect of nationalism, i.e. that in the nation-state system of today, nationalism is always about either share in the existing state power structure, or, if that is not possible, about creating its own state.16

Baloch nationalism emerged as a response to the intervention of the state. The highly
fragmented nature of Baloch society initially did not allow the emergence of an organized
nationalist movement, though sporadic resistance to colonial rule continued throughout. The first successful nationalist campaign was launched in 1929 against state recruitment that turned into an armed mutiny. The following year, in 1930, several underground political groups were formed and an anti-colonial в?~quit Balochistanв?T movement was launched. In 1935, the first nationalist party, Kalat National Party, was formed with the objective to achieve в?~independent, united Balochistanв?T after the departure of the British. At the same time, Baloch newspapers appeared, and one of them, Al-Baluch from Karachi, published a map of independent Balochistan that included Iranian Balochistan, Kalat, Baloch principalities, British Balochistan and some parts of Punjab and Sindh.17

One day after the creation of Pakistan, on 15 August 1947, the Khan declared the
independence of Kalat with an offer to Pakistan for special relations in the areas of defence, foreign affairs, and communication. Pakistan rejected the offer and, after a nine-month tug of war, Kalat was forcibly annexed, when the Pakistan armyв?Ts garrison commander in Balochistan was ordered to march on Kalat and, if the Khan refused to agree to the accession, arrest him. Nationalists rejected the Khanв?Ts capitulation, and his brother launched a revolt against Pakistan that continued until his arrest in 1950.18

What emerges from the history of Baloch nationalism is that, despite its regional and ethnic self-assertion, it has always been more concerned about its political power rather than some primordial identity. This is true about any nationalism anywhere in the world. It also proves that seeing nationalism in terms of good and bad, tribal and modern, civic and ethnic etc. is not a very useful tool for understanding the mechanism of nationalism. For a better understanding, one needs to go beyond these facile categories. One also needs to remember that nationalism is not really about identity, culture and traditions, though that is what the nationalists would like us to believe, but about political power. And the state being the most powerful container of political power, nationalism is about the state. As shown above, Baloch nationalism has always been directly linked with the state, so it is likely that its future also depends more than anything else on what turn the Pakistani state takes. 19

Unrest in Balochistan claimed 11 lives in a bomb blast on December 10,2004 in Queeta This is the second deadly attack after the killing of 5 soldiers in Khuzdar on August 1.

Following factors/reservations identified in the focus group and interview session with the Blaoch nationalists. These are discussed in detail with factual narration;

Balochistan is the most backward province of Pakistan. Itв?Ts backwardness is blamed to the central governmentв?Ts policies. в?oAs the poverty stricken province is suffering due to the partiality shown by the federal governmentв?ќ.20

In countries having federal structure, it is the central government, which controls the main fiscal instruments (taxation, spending and borrowing) to maintain stability in the country.21

The shares as recommended by the NFC are distributed as follows. The federal government deducts 5 per cent of such receipts mentioned in (a) to (h) (see exhibit 1) as collection charges. Of the balance, 62.5 per cent goes to the federal government and remaining 37.5 per cent are distributed among the four provinces according to their population, based on 1981 census under the Distribution of Revenue and Grants-in-Aid Order, 1997.

During the focus group22, Senator Sanaullah Baloch, BNP (Mengal) and Dr Abdul Hayee Baloch (Chief of National Party), replied that as per international practice the NFC should disperse the funds not on the basis of population only but backwardness and need should also be considered.

в?oIn industrialized countries like the United States, gradual devolution or decentralization of fiscal authority is in progress and different states have their own set of fiscal laws. In Germany, Landerfinanzauleich, is a system of horizontal transfers among the states of the federal republic designed to reduce differences in the annual per capita revenues from the main taxes of the states by granting more to the economically backward states. The Unites States has very complicated formula but still the focus of priority in distribution is development and less developed states get more resources.в?ќ23

It has been argued that the gas prices of Sui field in Balochistan are envisaged to increase manifold as a result of dismantling of its old gas sales formula. The provinceв?Ts current share in gas royalty of about Rs8 billion per annum is likely to increase further if an agreement is reached between Sindh and Balochistan on the question of gas development surcharge.24

GDS is the only major source of income for Balochistan. The province received Rs.17 billion during FY 2003-04, same as in FY 2002-03, while there was an increase of 11 percent revenue of Federal and three provincial governments under this head.

Actually the federal bureaucracy is reluctant to move on to the next stage of devolution of power, particularly those relating to fiscal empowerment of the Provinces at present.

It is practicing the politics of development by opposing the substantial increase in royalty of the provinces and their power to sign petroleum agreements with private firms.25

Take Sui, which was explored in 1952 against the wishes of the Baloch nation. Punjab is taking all its revenues and benefits while the locals are deprived. It took 30 years for gas to reach Dera Bugti town, and villages in the area surrounding Sui

This year Gwadar, on the Arabian Sea in southwestern Pakistan, stands to become one of the most strategic deepwater ports in the region that includes Central Asia and China.

Among other attractions, Gwadar sits about 2,000 kilometers, or 1,250 miles, to the south west of the Chinese region of Xinjiang, where a major industrialization effort is under way. "In the future, the port will give China a berth from which to ensure the security of its oil and energy traffic through the Persian Gulf," said Ashley Tellis, a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. "It has been packaged as a completely commercial development, but the strategic calculations are just as important to them.

But Gwadarв?Ts development has brought unrest, too, here in Balochistan. A car bombing, unsolved, killed three Chinese engineers working on the port in May. In August, nationalists claimed responsibility for gunning down five soldiers and a civilian, and a few days later made an unsuccessful attack on the chief provincial minister. The military responded with a "protective deployment" of troops that many Balochis characterized as an offensive.27

The Gwadar Port is entirely a non-Baloch project and not many forthcoming projects will distract the Baloch concern about two more army garrisons planned to be raised for the province. No wonder the state of loyalty among the people is comparable to that of South Waziristan where hardly anyone feels himself a part of Pakistan.28

While the Gwadar port project is being cited, and objected to, as the foremost one, it is not the only one. The federal government says the Gwadar project would bring investment, which would be good for the province. The contention of the local-tribal leadership is that the project should be handled through the Balochistan government. They fear population movement to the port town from other parts of the country, which could turn them into a minority in their own province. The obvious fear is that Punjabis will move into the area, buy land and settle down. 29

In a recent press conference, a nationalist leader, Habib Jalib (BNP Mengal) stressed, as the poverty stricken province is suffering due to the partiality shown by the federal government. The government should abandon the construction of the next phase of the port and the decision in this connection would also be communicated to the affected local population of the province.

в?oThis is the only way to salvage the already lost credibility of the federal governmentв?ќ he said.

He further added that it would further deepen the sense of deprivation among the people. He said the provincial government could promote the fisheries industries by establishing fish harbors in Jeewani, Guns, Pishkan Ormara, Sur, Hingol and Sonmiyani and give a

He suggested that the port could be utilized for fishing,. He also pointed out deliberate change in the demography of the area and demanded that only the local people of Gwadar should be allowed to have the local certificate, National Identity Cards (NICs) and their names in the voter list. Secretary General of BNP Mengal stressed that the outsiders should not be allowed to obtain the any kind of documents and benefits from the Gwadar district. He further said that a bill must be passed by the national as well as provincial assembly to protect the interests of the people of Gwadar for the development in this

Habib Jalib demanded the government to establish a marine university in Gwadar district besides setting up of technical training centers in all parts of the province.

He said Merani Dam project should be handed over to the Balochistan government so

that the dam could be utilized for agriculture and irrigation purposes. 30

The Khan of Kalat, Mir Suleiman Dawood Khan talking about anti mega project resistance camps, he calls these camps в?oBaloch Campsв?ќ in an interview with Dawnв?Ts Messrs Muhammad Ali Siddiqi and Shamim ur Rehman (November 7), he defiantly demanded: в?oGive us our rights or we will fight. For achieving those rights, the Baloch could go to any lengths and contact any power.в?ќ

The Khan of Kalat even refused to condemn the в?oterrorist killingв?ќ of three Chinese engineers on May 3 in a bomb blast in the coastal town of Gwadar. Instead, he claimed that Gwadar was being built to benefit China alone.

Balochs are certainly not opposed to в?ogenuine,в?ќ self-empowering development that has long been denied to them. Their opposition to development projects such as the building of Gwadar Port is rooted in Gen. Musharrafв?Ts attempts to colonize them and their resources. Gwadar is a town of 60,000 people. With its full-blown operation, it will need a million people to run it, who will be imported from the rest of the country. This massive human transplant will outnumber the native population by 17 to 1. A province that has a population of as little as 6 million people has every reason to scream foul at such a self-serving development agenda.

There is no doubt that the Gwadar project is aimed at enriching the economic, military, and political elite at the expense of the masses of Balochistan, regardless of their province or origin. Gen. Musharraf who owned 7 properties in 1999 did not mind helping himself to one more in Gwadar as well! So did his cronies. They have found in the Gwadar port project a giant feeding trough at which every top bull in Gen. Musharrafв?Ts cabinet is fattening в?oitself.в?ќ31

In the three decades preceding the 1990s, while Pakistanв?Ts GDP growth rate and per capita income bore favorable comparison with low-income countries as a whole, its social indicators did not. This suggests that both the content of GDP growth as well as of governance were lacking in human development. In the 1990s, the human condition in Pakistan deteriorated to an alarming level as the institutional structure of governance decayed rapidly.32

Table 3

Ranking of Districts of Pakistan by the Human Development Index

District HDI HDI Rank District HDI HDI Rank District HDI HDI Rank

Jhelum 0.703 1 Mardan 0.519 32 Khairpur 0.449 63

Ziarat 0.697 2 Lasbela 0.514 33 Thatta 0.447 64

Haripur 0.629 3 Khanewal 0.513 34 Lakki Marwat0.444 65

Sheikhupura 0.621 4 Kech 0.512 35 Swat 0.442 66

Karachi 0.618 5 Vehari 0.508 36 Larkana 0.435 67

Abbottabad 0.598 6 Attock 0.507 37 Zhob 0.432 68

Bhakkar 0.581 7 Naushahro F0.506 38 Dera I K 0.425 69

Kasur 0.577 8 Charsadda 0.506 39 Bune 0.423 70

Rawalpindi 0.576 9 Bahawalpur0.501 40 Barkhan 0.420 71

Khusab 0.575 10 Pakpattan 0.498 41 Shikarpur 0.417 72

Mandi Bahauddin 0.568 11 Ghotki 0.496 42 Lower Dir 0.413 73

Lahore 0.558 12 Panjgur 0.496 43 Kalat 0.412 74

Loralai 0.556 13 Multan 0.494 44 Sibi 0.411 75

Sialkot 0.555 14 Nasirabad 0.492 45 Hangu 0.400 76

Chakwal 0.545 15 Hafizabad 0.486 46 Jacobabad 0.393 77

Gujrat 0.543 16 Sukkur 0.486 47 Gwadar 0.392 78

Sahiwal 0.541 17 Karak 0.484 48 Killa Abdullah0.387 79

Rahim Yar Khan 0.541 18 Nawab Shah0.481 49 Tank 0.384 80

Kohat 0.537 19 Chitral 0.479 50 Awaran 0.381 81

Mianwali 0.537 20 Lodhran 0.475 51 Upper Dir 0.369 82

Dadu 0.535 21 Narowal 0.472 52 Batgram 0.363 83

Sargodha 0.535 22 Dera G K 0.471 53 Bolan 0.360 84

Hyderabad 0.532 23 Chagai 0.468 54 Kohlu 0.348 85

Peshawar 0.531 24 Bannu 0.465 55 Kharan 0.346 86

Gujranwala 0.529 25 Sanghar 0.461 56 Jhalmagsi 0.345 87

Nowshera 0.529 26 Malakand 0.461 57 Tharparkar 0.343 88

Jhang