BY: Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi
The political system is highly centralised and its democratic credentials are suspect. There is a need to reduce Islamabads overwhelming role and give autonomy to the provinces. This will help dispel the prevailing feeling in the smaller province of being overwhelmed by the federal government and the biggest province
The recent developments in Balochistan and Sindh show that while the political context may have changed the core factors causing the latest political uproar are not entirely new. With the exception of those who have agreed to be co-opted by the Army-dominated Islamabad establishment the Baloch political leaders and activists express varying degrees of resentment against the policies of the federal government. Some of them take a strong exception to these policies. Others resort to violence against symbols of state power. Still others have moved to the sidelines and advise restraint and dialogue to the federal government.
A major issue in Balochistan politics is the payment of gas royalty to the province. It has gained importance because Balochistan lacks material resources to meet its expenditure and has to rely heavily on federal grants and loans to meet its needs. Other Balochistan-related issues include the under-representation of the province in federal services and the management of the mega development projects in the province by the federal government. The provincial government and the assembly do not have much say in projects like the Gwadar port, the coastal highway and some other roads, dams for water storage and power production, mineral development and construction of new cantonments.
Because these projects are causing an influx of people from other provinces for jobs and purchase of land, most Baloch nationalists and opposition leaders are not convinced that these serve the interests of the people of Balochistan. They apprehend that if these trends are not checked, local people may be outnumbered in the project areas. Given the fact that the Sunday editions of major national dailies carry many advertisements for sale and purchase of land in Gwadar, the fear of the Baloch political leaders may not be far fetched. The affluent people and speculators from Sindh and the Punjab are said to have already obtained land in Gwadar.
Over the last 15 months confrontation between the law enforcement agencies and some tribes and radical elements has intensified. There have been frequent instances of bomb or rocket attacks on symbols of state power, including communication networks and gas and power supply lines. From time to time law enforcement agencies and the dissident elements have engaged in armed clashes. The recent rocket attack in Kholu at the time the president was visiting the area and firing at the helicopter carrying a senior Army officer have intensified the confrontation. The latest reports indicate that paramilitary forces as well as regular troops have moved out in the Kohlu area to round up the suspects.
In Sindh, political tensions have risen to a high pitch in reaction to the presidents strong pleading for the construction of the Kalabagh Dam (KBD). He indicated during his recent visit to Sindh that his government was determined to build the dam for much needed power generation and a better management of water for agriculture. His arguments have not impressed any important leader in Sindh. Many in the ruling coalition are extremely uncomfortable with the federal governments strong interest in building the KBD. If the federal government launches the KBD without developing a supportive consensus in Sindh, the political arrangement in the province may collapse. The NWFP government and the major political parties, excluding the PML, do not support the KBD. In Balochistan, the PML chief minister is reluctant to issue a supportive statement. It may be pointed out that the provincial assemblies of the NWFP, Sindh and Balochistan have already passed resolutions opposing the construction of the KBD.
General Pervez Musharraf is not the first military ruler to face serious political challenge from provincial-nationalist political forces. Field Marshal Ayub Khans government faced its first challenge from the dissident tribal elements in Balochistan. In the post-1965 period, East Pakistani political leaders openly contested Ayub Khans policies. The Ayub regimes highly centralised approach to governance and political management caused more alienation in East Pakistan than the policies of the previous Pakistani rulers. The anti-Ayub movement (1968-69) was extremely violent in East Pakistan. Ayubs successor, General Yahya Khan, could not cope with the political pressure from East Pakistan, which became intense after the 1970 general elections. The military action in East Pakistan in March 1971 was the beginning of the end of the united Pakistan as well as the Yahya regime.
General Zia ul Haq faced the toughest challenge to his rule in 1983. The MRD (Movement for Restoration of Democracy) agitation was put down in Sindh by the military government by relying heavily on the coercive apparatus of the state. Another challenge arose in 1986 when the opposition tried to launch a new movement against Zia ul Haq. However, this movement was less violent and Zia ul Haq overcame the challenge, at least for the time being. These two movements adversely affected the image of Zias military government and the Punjab in Sindh.
Now, General Pervez Musharrafs government faces a serious challenge in Balochistan. The present crisis has the potential to undermine major development projects and cause a strong insurgency in parts of Balochistan. This is expected to create a problematic situation for the federal government because violence and insurgency in Balochistan has ramifications for Afghanistan and Iran. Further, given the international attention to the Gwadar port due to its proximity to the Gulf region and Central Asia, extra-territorial players may not stay indifferent if violence and insurgency intensify.
The federal government established a parliamentary committee on Balochistan to recommend measures to accommodate the grievances of this province. Its sub committee headed by Senator Mushahid Hussain recommended a host of measures to improve Balochistan-federal government relations. It is not known if the government has implemented its recommendations. The sub-committee on constitutional issues, headed by Senator Wasim Sajjad, could not evolve consensus on its recommendations.
Why do Pakistans military-dominated governments find it difficult to maintain cordial relations with provincial and local political interests and identities? The root cause is the military mindset and the attempts by the military regimes to deal with the political problems by invoking the military ethos of unity of command, centralisation, hierarchy and discipline. It is an authoritarian management model where decisions are made at the top and implemented by others working at subordinate levels. The notion of participatory decision making either by involving the political forces that control the ground or by giving them autonomy is alien to this mindset.
Pakistans military rulers tend to develop a â^œmessiahâ^ complex and missionary zeal to reform the state and society in accordance with their notion of national interest. This leads to a highly centralised governance and political management that hardly addresses political diversities and socio-economic inequities.
Pakistans political system is highly centralised and its democratic credentials are suspect. There is a need to reduce Islamabads overwhelming role and give autonomy to the provinces. This will help dispel the prevailing feeling in the smaller province that they have been overwhelmed by the federal government and the biggest province.
Increased provincial autonomy must be coupled with two measures to dilute strong regional sentiments. First, necessary arrangements must be made to ensure fair and free election that enables the people to install governments of their choice at the provincial and federal levels. Second, the federal government should review its policy of not allowing mainstream political parties to play a meaningful role in the political process. Their partial exclusion from the political process strengthens regional and local political forces and leaders.
The federal government needs to review its approach towards politics and create an equal opportunity political environment, ensuring participatory development and responsive governance and engaging the regional and local interests in a dialogue for evolving solutions for the Balochistan problems and the KBD.
Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi is a political and defence analyst |
