Dr. Farrukh F. Khan
It is ironic that when there was no development, there was no protest. Now when mega uplift has started, private armies are out to halt it. Like FATA, the tribal society in Balochistan has culturally a militant tendency and is strategically prone to foreign interference, although it has practically remained inaccessible. The basis of tribalism is lingual, patriarchal, economic and ethnic, but not collective. The Baloch, Brahui and Pathan tribes are divided into numerous sub-tribes. The clutches of Sardarism are much stronger in Baloch and Brahui areas than Pathan areas, but all three have a ’nationalist’ outlook and continue to support the Sardari system, which constrains them to a primitive style of living.
The geographical size and sparse population has helped the Sardars to keep the people under bondage for centuries. The total population in 1941 was 859,000, out of which over 90 percent are Muslims. After the 1978 Saur Revolution in Afghanistan, when a huge influx entered the province, the population rose from 4,000,000 in 1981 to 7,500,000 in 2003. The tribally entrenched society is ethnically plural, divided into different homogeneous tribes. The major ethnic groups are Baloch, Pashtun, Brahui and Afghan settlers who are primarily Pushtu speaking with some speaking Dari. The rural side of society needs to be checked, guarded and brought into the mainstream, otherwise it will pose a grave threat to the integrity of Pakistan.
The main reason for Balochistan’s ’backwardness’, however, has been the great neglect on the part of all successive governments since independence. A tribal society will continue in backwardness and misery until it is brought into civilization by initiating economic and social development. Long term policies should have been implemented right from the start. No government in the past took the pain. In President Musharraf’s words: "If they had the will, they did not have enough money to spend there." The leaders lacked political courage. They were made hostage by certain Sardars who did not want to lose their grip over their dominions. They blackmailed Islamabad by attacking vital installations, damaging national assets and, at times, joining hands with foreign sponsors. The ironical part is that they resisted any kind of move to develop the people of the areas under their hegemony. President Musharraf, during his military deputations, has been into the remote areas of the province and witnessed the miseries of the people. He, as DG Military Operations, realized that the great neglect in the past would have a grave strategic impact in the future. After assuming power in 1999, he concentrated on the development of FATA in NWFP and Sardar-administered areas in Balochistan. President Musharraf allocated huge amounts for the uplift of the province. The following chart shows the difference:
Pervez Musharraf started mega projects including the Gwadar deep-seaport, Sabakzai and Mirani dams, the Katchhi Canal, the Coastal Highway, Gwadar-Quetta-Zhob-D.I. Khan road, linking Balochistan with NWFP, all providing multiple benefits for the province. Besides these uplift projects, the president has promised more autonomy for the province. He has agreed to give a due share to Balochistan from the NFC award. He has agreed to pay due attention to the grievances of the Baloch people. This should have been a matter of great pride for the people of the province, but a few of the Sardars like Akbar Bugti, Attaullah Mengal and Khair Bukhsh Marri, who saw their reign of terror ending, came out with all their guns blazing against Islamabad.
The government has assured the Baloch people that they would be the first to benefit in all fields of development - that they would be given all the so far denied basic facilities like health, education and employment. But obviously this would loosen the stranglehold of the Sardars and end the Sardar hierarchy to the benefit of the common man, and so they resent it.
General Musharraf’s fears as DG Military Operations were strong as time arrived when few Sardars have resorted to creating their own private armies, in order to confront the central government in defiance. The Bugti Sardar’s threats are not an ordinary thing. His tone and determination is dangerous. The Bugtis’ statement that they tried to gun down Captain Hammad but the bullets missed him, is a daring confession of crime, which has so far been ignored by the authorities. To a common citizen this demonstrates weakness on the part of the government. They thought that massive military operations were in the offing, but no operation was launched. Then the Sardar resorted to taking his tribe’s women out on the roads, against the government. This was followed by the February blast of two high-tension towers of the single circuit 220 KV Uch-Sibi transmission line near Sibi, which badly affected 17 of the 26 districts of Balochistan, resulted in the loss of 40 per cent of the electricity supply in the province. The disruption of power supply also resulting in the shortage of water in many areas. Meanwhile, a railway track linking Quetta with Zahidan was also blown up. Many other such incidents have taken place, disrupting normal life. The most intriguing part of the drama is that the Sardars have been brainwashing the people under their control by telling them that the Pakistani Army men are kafirs. By replaying the incident of Dr. Shazia, the tribesmen were led to believe that the army men would rape their women also. But when they saw the army troops building mosques, calling azaan, offering prayers and reciting the Holy Quran, the propaganda turned against the Sardars. They also saw that no operation had been launched and that their women and homes were safe. So the Sardars faced a near-revolt situation. But before that, much damage had been done. The attacks on the pipelines, the FC posts and Sui plant proved lethal. Many jawans and officers of the security forces have been killed. Hundreds of millions of dollars have been lost in terms of damages to the installations and pipelines. Shouldn’t the writ of the government be established? There will be no presence of government beyond Quetta if the cantonments are not established near the troubled areas. The state has the right to protect its territories, not only at the borders but also by tackling the threats within.
The Bugtis’ contention that cantonments should only be placed on the borders is meaningless. The establishment of cantonments is the need of the hour.
(to be concluded)
Although full of lies and deceptions but one has to read all point of views: Balach unity.
http://www.thepost.com.pk/OpinionNews.aspx?dtlid=20595&catid=11 |
