M Bilal Ghorey
The Baloch imbroglio took a strange and unexpected turn as India stepped forward to condemn the crackdown by Pakistan’s security forces against nationalist militants. "The government of India has been watching with concern the spiralling violence in Balochistan and the heavy military action, including the use of helicopter gunships and jet fighters by the Government of Pakistan to quell it. We hope that the Government of Pakistan will exercise restraint and take recourse to peaceful discussions to address the grievances of the people of Balochistan," India’s foreign ministry said in a statement.
The statement is all the more interesting as it comes from India, a country that has long tried to suppress the freedom struggle of the Kashmiri people and has a record of systematic and serious human rights violations in several parts of the country. It is also interesting that India would have no objection if such operations were carried out by the Pakistani security forces against Kashmiri insurgents, nor to the ongoing operation in Waziristan.
It is quite clear that the crucial law and order situation in Balochistan is no more a myth. The gravity of the situation can be determined by the fact that such daring rocket attacks on the President of Pakistan were not even made by Mukti Bahini when General Yahya Khan visited Dhaka in 1971 at the height of the civil war. The ultimate truth is that Pakistan is facing the serious menace of insurgency in Balochistan. The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) is targeting our national assets. They are blowing up railway tracks and gas pipelines. Tribal leaders are shouting their own slogans. As for the common folk, they are bewildered and don’t know what to do.
The authorities have termed the action as a normal law and order related matter. But Baloch leaders claim that a massive military operation has been launched and more than 100 people have been killed during the clashes. Baloch leader Akbar Bugti has refused to talk to government officials. "There is no room for negotiations with the rulers, as all the previous accords have been broken by them," said Bugti while talking to journalists.
Balochistan has suffered again and again due to its incongruent geo-political and administrative division. The Baloch are the indigenous people of Balochistan, which is split between Pakistan and Iran. Baloch nationalists claim that there has been a deliberate government policy of underestimating the number of indigenous Baloch and are very concerned at the prospect of being marginalized in their own homeland. It is now contended by Baloch nationalists that Balochi speaking people are in a minority even within Balochistan, according to the Government of Pakistan, Population and Housing Census of Pakistan, 1998 (P-3). The Baloch do not form a homogeneous group, branching out as Makrani or Western Baloch in the south, the Sulemani or Eastern Baloch in the northeast, and the Brahuis of the central Kalat plateau of Pakistan. Greeks, Afghans, Persians and Sikhs had all made repeated, though unsuccessful, attempts to establish complete control over this region. The British too, though they penetrated into the heartland of this region, found it impossible to institute direct control in this tribal land. Understanding the conflicting interests of tribes and their chieftains, however, they did manage to administer the area during the larger part of their rule.
The real trouble began after partition, when the ethnic minorities of Pakistan were made to feel grossly neglected. Their grievances could have been addressed through an effective and open-handed political process, which was completely ignored by Ayub Khan and his immediate successor Yahya Khan. The secession of East Pakistan proved a major blow to Pakistan’s survival as an undivided entity. At the same time it hardened the resolve of the political and military leaders of Pakistan to repress further secessionist movements. In an interview in December 1971, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who subsequently became Pakistan’s prime minister, noted: "Balochistan can never be equated with Bangladesh." Pressure from the minority provinces’ parties, however, compelled Bhutto to make fundamental concessions on the subject of regional autonomy in the new constitution. A considerable amount of provincial autonomy and numerous assurances of devolution were guaranteed under the 1973 Constitution. But military operations against the Baloch were launched only a month after the new constitution was implemented. The then regime, while claiming to be a champion of democracy, used the most undemocratic methods to crush its political opponents. Instead of fostering working relationships in the larger national interest, it created an environment of distrust and doubt. The National Awami Party government led by Ghous Bux Bizenjo was dismissed on charges of secessionist and anti-state activities. In protest the NWFP government led by Mufti Mahmood resigned. A number of opposition leaders were arrested and jailed just two days after the promulgation of the 1973 Constitution (Pakistan: A Political and Economic History since 1947; London, Kegan Paul, 1990, P-64).
It is generally believed that the current insurgency in Balochistan is led by the BLA, an amorphous underground organization. BLA has managed to blow up more than 47 vital infrastructural targets in the last four years. It is the successor of a radical nationalist movement conceived in Balochistan University many years ago. The left-leaning students of the Baloch Students Organization (BSO), were a most important component.
Pakistan is making a port at Gwadar and coastal highways with financial help from China. Gwadar port would be of utmost importance due to its strategic and geographic importance. America doesn’t want to see China in Gwadar. Hence the possible involvement of the US in this insurgency cannot be ignored. Iran already has a port at Bandar Abbas and Gwadar port would undercut its importance. So, Iran may also be involved in the game. Jam Yousaf, the Chief Minister of Balochistan, has voiced his concerns regarding the ’the foreign hand’ when he named "several neighbouring states including India" being involved in the unrest. Other Baloch leaders are against federally managed projects and programmes. These chieftains are opposing the mega projects launched by the Centre as they don’t want to see ordinary men prosper. Since the common folk follow the orders of the sardars and the tribal code, they are left with no choice but to carry out violent missions.
The dissidents are becoming more powerful by the day. They have established training camps. It has been disclosed recently that more than 60 training camps have been established around Kohlu and other areas. These bandits are being trained in the use of rocket launchers, RPG-7s, mortars, anti-aircraft guns, landmines, etc. They possess modern weapons, wireless sets, walkie-talkies and satellite sets. The training camps are equipped with electric generators. It is a sad truth that Balochistan could easily become another Bangladesh.
In these circumstances, a ruthless military operation must be carried out to destroy this insurgency. But first of all we have to find the root causes and genesis of the insurgency. We next need to examine the grievances of common people and to find remedies. Only then would we be able to do something about the insurgents. No insurgency can be successful without external as well as internal support of the people of that area. Counter-insurgency specialists would support my idea that the first and foremost measure is to isolate insurgents from the local population. The Mukti Bahini in East Pakistan were successful as our army failed to isolate them from the common Bengalis. The Malayan insurgency against the British colonial government (19848-60), the Huk revolt in the Philippines (1954-64), the Karen Revolt in Burma (1948-50), Guevara’s insurgency in Bolivia (1966-67) are some examples of failed and quelled insurgencies. We have to adopt an effective counter-insurgency strategy to overcome the recent rebellion in Balochistan.
It is essential to have the Baloch realize that the operation is not against them, that the army is not out to crush civilians and indigenous people but wants to eradicate outlaws from the province. We must address the common folk who have been suppressed by the chieftains. These bewildered people want to make progress rather than confront the security forces, but the sardars are pushing their tribesmen towards civil war. We must address the concerns and problems of the people and genuine democratic leaders through negotiations. This is the right way to quell insurgency.
The writer is a senior journalist and Lahore-based columnist
http://www.thepost.com.pk/OpinionNews.aspx?dtlid=21056&catid=11 |
