|
The Balochi Doura or Zamana (era) is a historical concept used by the Baloch to refer to the state of affairs in Balochistan prior to the political division of the country by the British in the first half of nineteenth century. The era appears to have begun with the subsequent rise of the Balochis in western Balochistan in the early years of the eleventh century. As has already been described, by the end of the fourteenth century most of the territories of present-day Balochistan gradually had been consolidated and brought under Baloch control. Again, it is during this period that feudal and tribal relations as the predominant forms of social and political organization took the shape that has survived in some parts of the country to this day. Consequently, the pre-division era is known by the Baloch as the Balochi Doura or Balochi Zamana, which are synonymous terms for the Balochi political and military institutions as well as Balochi culture and language were paramount throughout the country. Here the existing division took place; the British colonial rule (1854-1947) is also included in this period because it did not replace Balochi political rule and institutions, but simply created its own parallel system of administration, as will be described latter.
The Balochis Doura is distinguished by three main characteristics. In the first place, for the most part of this period, Balochistan maintained its independence from the surrounding empires. This was the case not only when it was united under the first Balochi tribal confederacy established by Rinds in the early fifteenth century and under the Khanate of Kalat (1666-1948), but also when it was divided among several independent feudal states (Khanates or hokomates). Only the most powerful Iranian Kings such as Shah Abbas safavid and Nader Shah were able to extend their sway over some parts of the country for very short periods in the beginning of the seventeenth century and the second?Ts quarter of the eighteenth century, respectively. As soon as their military expeditions or tax collectors left the country, the Baloch reasserted their independence once again. As will be elaborated in the next chapter, there was no permanent Iranian administrative rule over the whole country during this period. Describing the state of affairs in the western- parts of Balochistan in the first half of the nineteenth century, lord curzon states that ?othere was no sign of Persian authority at the sea ports, and the chiefs of Geh, Bahu, and serbaz were all independent.? (33) So was the condition of the rest of the country during the entire Balochi Doura. Therefore, the term signifies Balochi political independence and the absence of foreign political and administrative rule.
Second, the period is characterized by the predominance of Balochi socio-political and ruled institutions in Balochistan. The Baloch were ruled by a set of laws, traditions, and socio-political institutions in traditions, and socio-political institutions of their own; and the Balochi language and culture were spoken and practiced exclusively. Of course, there prevailed a feudal- tribal order throughout this period. The feudal order was, and still is rooted in Makkuran where the settled population was mostly engaged in agriculture in scattered towns and villages. Each fiefdom or principality called Hokomat consisted of a cluster of villages ruled by a feudal lord known as hokom or khan. He was seated in the central fort called kalate miri-located usually in the larger town or village. The most important hokomats were those of kej, Dizak, Bampor, panjgour. Kaserkand, sarbaz, magas,, geh, and Bahu, which were major feudal centers each surrounded by several agricultural towns and villages with as many forts. Each village with its fort was headed by a lesser hakom who collected a tithe (dah yak) of the crops as taxes for maintaining the irrigation system and law and other. Part of the tax was send to the chief hakom as well.
The tribal system prevailed in the scattered pasturelands of northern Balochistan. Each tribe was, and still is, headed by a chieftain known s sardars, selected more often from the male lineage of the ruling clan in each tribe. It is divided into many clans and sub clans with each having its own lesser chieftain. The tribal pasturelands were owned collectively but each tribesman was to pay one-tenth of his animals to the sardars in order to enable him to discharge both intra and inter-tribal relations of the tribe. The Balochi tribes and fiefdoms were linked economically through trade and exchange agricultural crops and animal products. They interacted socially, cooperated politically, and united militarily whenever faced with a common external threat. Although both were depended on a subsistence economy, they were from time to time able to pool their limited resources together and produce the kind of surpluses which were necessary for the formation of large tribal confederacies discussed bellow. Because of these features, Balochi Doura is sometimes connected with the Hakomi or sardari era, meaning the era of hakoms or Sardars.
Third and most important, it was during this period that united Balochi tribes and incorporated all the Balochi territories under their central rule. The first tribal confederacy was established by Rinds in the late fifteenth century, while the second one constituted the khanate of Kalat established in 1666 A.D. this was the last independent Balochi state that survived British colonial rule under the name of kalat state until 1948. Therefore, they are the focus of nationalist claims for reunification of Balochistan.
The Balochi Doura is best identified with the Rind hegemony and particularly with the reign of Mir Chakar Rind (approximately 1487 ?" 1511 A.D) who established one of the largest Balochi tribal confederacies stretching from Kerman in west to Indus river valley in east, thus for the first time uniting eastern and western Balochistan in the late fifteenth century. This confederacy was centered mainly on the two most powerful tribes of Rind and Lasharis, each in turn constituting a loosely organized federation of several lesser tribes. In the nationalists?T accounts, Mir Chakar is credited with organizing the feuding Balochi tribes into a formidable fighting force that swept eastern Makkuran, kalat highlands, Sibi, and the fertile plains of Kachhi in southern Balochistan. It was approximately after 1487 A.D. that Chakar transferred his capital to Sibi in eastern Balochistan leaving behind the traditional canters of Balochi power in Bumpor and Kej in western Balochistan. Thereafter, Balochi power shifted from west to east and it has remained there ever since. Having consolidated the eastern territory of Balochistan, he advanced into Punjab, taking Multan and the southern parts of Punjab in the early sixteenth century. This success resulted in a large-scale Balochi migration into Sindh and Punjab that has profoundly affected the demographic features and the political scenes of the region ever since. There is still as large a Balochi population in Sindh and Punjab as there is in Balochistan proper. (34)
Today, the Baloch nationalists hail Amir Chakar as the first Balochi nation Builder to be credited with the political and territorial unification of Balochistan. Sardar khan in the great Baloch equates the chakarian rule with the ?ogolden Age? of Baloch and Balochistan, thus entitling him ?othe great Baloch.? In the popular historical perception of the Baloch he remains to this day personification of the Balochi code of honor and the symbol of Balochi martial virtues. As Dames noted ?ohe is still looked upon as the ideal Balochi chief and his exploits are magnified by modern legends into something miraculous but in the ballads [of his own time] there is no mixture of the supernatural. (35)
Furthermore, the times of Mir Chakar are characterized as the classical era of Balochi epic or heroic ballads and romantic poetry in Balochi literary history. Apparently most of the Balochi ballads are rooted in this period, describing the events, exploitations, personalities, and the names of tribes and localities which collaborate with the Balochi history of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. (36) Parallel to the expansion of the Rind hegemony in the country, Balochi language and oral literature also blossomed thus strengthening and spreading a relatively homogeneous Balochi culture and value system throughout the country. In this respect, Chakar?Ts contributions and achievements proved to be more enduring than his political and military gains.
However, Chakar?Ts tribal confederacy was disrupted by a prolonged civil war, known as the thirty years war, which took place between the Rinds and Lasharis in the early years of the sixteenth century. It happened shortly after the Baloch had firmly consolidated their power in the eastern territories and had begun to spread into Punjab and Sindh, the war engulfed the entire territory of Sibi, Dhadar, and Kachhi; polarized the whole society into two warring camps of Rinds and Lasharis, each camp seeking help from neighboring powers in khorasan and Sindh, respectively; and eventually destroyed Chakar?Ts monarchy, forcing him to abdicate from his capital in Sibi to Punjab, where he died around 1551 A.D. He is buried there at Satgarah.
Most of the nationalist accounts attribute the civil war to Chakar?Ts failure to establish an administrative structure capable of superseding the divisive tribal-feudal institutions on which he had based his power. Sardar khan has described the rule of Chakar as the rule of ?osword and saddle? and contends that under him the Rinds had alienated other Balochi tribes by monopolizing political power in their hands, thus causing the civil war which ?obrought the edifice of Baloch sovereignty crashing down in ruin before the foundation was laid down.?37) Mir Gulkhan Nasir and Marri have expressed more or less the same view, even though most Balochi historians view the Balochi tribes of the sixteenth century as democratic institutions which required sardars to consult the Jirga (tribal council). (38) However, this first confederacy constituted a military alliance of Balochi tribes for securing the eastern territories of Balochistan. As soon as this objective was accomplished, then the questions of the spoils of new conquests become a divisive issue that fueled the traditional inter-tribal feuds once again, thus together leading to the civil war.
Demise of Rind power unleashed the centrifugal tendencies along feudal lords and tribal sardars once again, and the ensuing state of chaos and anarchy led to the disintegration of Balochistan into several independent feudal states arid chieftains known as khanate or hoqmat in eastern and western Balochistan, respectively. Relations among these states were characterized by constant wars and animosities that not only prevented a semblance of political unity, but also weakened then and exposed them to foreign invasion. It was under such circumstances that the powerful Safavid King Shah Abbas sent an expedition under the then governor of. Kirman Ganj Ali Khan to attack western Balochistan in 1613 A.D. Subsequently, the local Saffar ruler of Balupur was defeated, but regained his independence upon submitting a large tribute to the shah. (39)
The most powerful of the Balochi feudal states was the Khanate of Kalat, known. as such after its capital at Kalat, established by the Ahmadzai dynasty in the highlands of central Balochistan in 1666 A.D. Originally a confederacy of Brahui tribes inhabiting the Kalat region, the Kalat Khanate gradually Imposed its rule over other’ independent Balochi principalities in Makkuran (Kej, Dizak. Panjgur, Bampur, Magasi, Kasarkan(1) , .Las’ Bela, Gandava, and chieftains of Sarhad, Kharan, and Bugti-Marri tribal lands. ’Consequently, during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Kalat ruled over a vast territory that exceeded the domains of Amir Chakar. It reached the zenith of its power during the reigns of Abdullah Khan (1714-1734) and Nasir Khan I (1745-1805 A.D), the fourth and sixth Khans of Kalat, respectively.
Abdullah Khan claimed jurisdiction _ver all the lands inhabited by the Balochi tribes, stretching from Kandahar (now in Afghanistan) in the north, to Bandar Abbas (now in Iran) in the west, and to Dera Ghazi Khan District on the western edge of Punjab in the east. He is known more for his relentless military campaigns that subdued tribe after tribe and expanded the borders of his state to include an area even larger than the entire Balochistan proper of today., These military ventures, however, exhausted his resources; subsequently, he was unable to replace the tribal-feudal state institutions with a unified administration infiltrative structure for territories under his military rule. The latter years of his reign also coincided with the beginning of the invasion of the Subcontinent by the Iranian conquer Nadir Shah, the last Sunni King of Iran. This event protected him to pay tribute to that monarch in order to save his realm from the threat of Persian invasion.
The Baloch nationalists, however, reserve their highest admiration for Nasir Khan I (Known also as Nasir Khan Baloch or Nasir Khan Nood), the son and, the second successor of Abdullah Khan, for his accomplishments in building a strong-modern institutional infrastructure for the state. He occupied’ the Kalat throne in 1741 and ruled for more than half a century. His realm included the port of Karachi in the east, all of Balochistan up to the eastern borders of Persia in the west, and the Pashtoons-speaking regions of Dajil, Mastung. And Kharan in the northeast. He was the_ first Kalat ruler to embark upon the task of replacing the traditional state structure with a centralized bureaucratic administration that institutionalized the central authority of the Kalat. (40)
The bureaucratic institutions of his central administration consisted of (1) the court (darbal),; (2) state consultative assemblies described by Ahmad Yar Khan, the last ruler of Kalat as a If Baloch Parliament" consisting of a tribally chosen lower chamber and a upper chamber with appointed members; and (3) a civil administration could prized of a wazir (prime minister), responsible for day-to-day affairs both internally and externally, a vakil in charge. Of state cultural , a darollgha responsible for the capital security, and’ llaib;"’or provincial governors.(41) This, of course, resembled the kind of administration that existed in neighboring countries at the time. Moreover, he created a standing army divided into four regiments with an estimated strength of 25,000 to 60,000 troops. As Selig Harrison observed,
Nasir Khan’s 1110St notable achievement was the creation of a unified Baloch army of some 25,000 men and 1,000 camels, an impressive force by eighteenth-century southwest Asian standards. For the first time in their history, most of the major’ Balochi tribes were rallied under the banner of an agreed system of military organizations and recruitment. (42)
Furthermore, Nasir Khan strengthened the economic infrastructure of the state by constructing an extensive network of roads, caravan-series, and forts; expanding the irrigation systems; and improving the state treasury by reorganizing the collection system for taxes and other revenues. Gankovsky asserts that Nasir Khan had an annual revenue exceeding three million rupees, while Sardar Khan places that figure at more than four n1illion rupees. (43) This was despite the fact that under Nasir Khan Merchants and craftsmen were exempted from taxes in order to encourage trade and industry; some of the major tribes did not pay taxes, but only supplied a military quota to his army. The state treasury derived its revenues from the 10 percent tax (dab yek) on individual income, revenues from the extensive town lands scattered throughout the country which formed large parts of the Sarawan and Kach-Gandava districts, and the taxes imposed upon the tribes excerpted from the troop quota.(44)
As mentioned earlier, with the rise of Nadir Shah and his invasion of India in 1739, Kalat began to pay .tribute to the_ Persian emperor. As a result Nadir Shah assisted Nasir Khan to win the contested throne of Kalat after the death of his father Abdullah Khan and conferred upon him the title of Begller Beg of Balochistan. Upon the assassination of Nadir Shah in 1747 and the subsequent disintegration of his empire, Nasir Khan declared his independence, but was contested by Ahmad Shah Durrani, who’ had also" declared his independence in Afghanistan at the same time and thus forced to accept Afghan suzerainty. However, Nasir Khan regained his, independence in 1758 in the aftermath of several inconclusive Afghan-Balochi wars! But joined Ahmed Shah in a military alliance that is invoked and celebrated by the Afghan and Baloch nationalists as a basis for their continuing cooperation to this day. Fostered by their common adherence to Sunni Islam, the Afghan-Balochi alliance was Apparently developed as a response to the Common threat’ posed?T to their respective states by a relatively powerful and Shia-dominated Persian ’empire and in part as a counter to the glowing Sikh power in then-independent Punjab: Subsequently, Nasir Khan joined the Afghan King in his military campaigns in Mashhad against Persia in 1759 as well as his expeditions against the Sikhs in 1761-62 A.D.
It is due to these achievements that he is accorded the, tittles of Nasir Khan "the Great" in the annals of Balochi history and his name is invoked in the Balochi national anthem and patriotic songs.(45) Today,. The Baloch nationalists look with nostalgia to his success in creating a politically united sovereign Balochi state as a historical precedent supporting their claim for a reunited Balochistan. The passage written by Sir Henry Pottinger, who visited Balochistan in 1810, is noteworthy in describing the character and achievements of Nasir Khan,
If we contemplate the character of Nasir Khan whether as a soldier a statesman or a prince and call to mind the people among whom he was replaced. we shall find in him a most extraordinary combination of all the virtues attached to those stations and duties As a statesman. he reconciled to his authority in few months an immense Kingdom bestowed upon him by a cruel conqueror. What p-roves his address, was that the most, distant districts were always equally alert in obeying his orders with those near at hand. His justice and equitable discharge of his duties as a prince were so conspicuous that his name became, and still is. a proverbial phrase among his immediate countrymen and all classes of the population of Balochistan on the extreme west, In short, had Nasir Khan governed an enlightened nation, or one with which Europeans were Later acquainted, he would during his life have been regarded as a phenomenon among the Asiatic princes.(46)
The central authority of Kalat began to deteriorate after the death of Nasir _an in 1805. Even though it maintained -its independence until the arrival of Great Britain on the scene in the mid-nineteenth century. Gankovsky attributes the decline of the Kalat state to the desire of the rulers of separate regions to raise their share in the gross feudal tillage by reducing) the share due to the _kalat Khan as head of the state. (47) He gives the example that Mahmud Khan (1795-1816), the son and successor of Nasir Khan had an income of only 350,000 rupees as compared to the more than three million rupees collected by his father. By contrast, Nina Swindler, an anthropologist, writes that the Khanate of Kalat failed to impose a unified tax system on caravan trade and tribes and instead relied 111ore on revenues from irrigated crown lands. (48) But, as it has been pointed out. by the last khan of Kalat the prevailing system of tax collection at the time was based on the traditional Islamic tax (10 percent , which was also the standard practice in neighboring Islamic states such as Iran and Afghanistan as well. (49) Moreover, the division of labor in Balochistan, at the time, was such. That it assigned the military functions to tribes which were also the dominant elements in the dynastic rulers and armies of the Arabian Peninsula; Iran, and Afghanistan prior to this century.
Historically, the rise of Kalat in 1666 A.D.-as well as the emergence of the independent states of Afghanistan, Sindh, and Punjab in the eighteenth century-coincides with the decline and disintegration of the Safavid, Mughal and Uzbek empires and the simultaneous rise of British colonial power in southwest Asia. Externally, the Baloch maintained their independence through a set of shifting alliances with neighboring powers. Apparently encouraged by a weakened Safavid empire, a force of 4,000 Balochis attacked Bandar Abbas in 1701. The Baloch later joined the forces of Ghilzai Afghans who, under Mahn1ud, invaded Persian, captured its capital. Isfahan, and overthrew the Safavid emperor (1722) But killed his successor Ashraf when he was defeated by Nadir Shah. For this service, Kalat was saved from invasion by Nadir, even though it paid tribute to Persia as long as the emperor lived. Again, Kalat had, to pay tribute to Afghan King Ahmad Shah Durrani for eleven years from 1747 to 1 758 A.D. Thereafter, it regained its independence and joined Afghanistan in a military alliance. (50) These events, however, had hardly any lasting effect on the internal social-political conditions within Balochistan.
The most significant event which took place during the course of Balochi Doura was threatened of British colonial rule in Balochistan in the mid-nineteenth century. Balochistan attracted the attention of the British government as far back as 1807, when Napoleon Bonaparte dispatched an invasion to Persia to explore the possibilities for an overland invasion of India through Persia and Balochistan. The growing Russian expansion in central Asia in the, mid nineteenth century alarmed Britain, prompting her to extend her colonial rule over Balochistan in order to protect her Indian empire and’ strengthen her hand at the political chessboard of the "Great Game" then played by the European powers in central Asia, Afghanistan, and Iran. The main British objective was to forestall the Russian advance toward India and the warm waters of the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean by securing Afghanistan and Iran as buffer states separating India from Tsarist Russia. Consequently, the British adopted the "forward policy" that brought Balochistan under the Raj jurisdiction and made the borders of the empire Contiguous with Iran and Afghanistan. In this context, Balochistan had a twofold strategic significance. In the first place it was turned into a British military base for securing the buffer status of. Afghanistan and Iran vis-à-vis Russia Second, it constituted a valuable link in the chain of British east- west communication connecting India to the British bases in the Middle East and Europe.
Subsequently, when the Khan of kalat failed to ensure safe passage for British troops during the first Anglo-Afghan war of 1838, the British invaded Kalat killed the anti-British Khan. Mehran Khan, and occupied his capital for a short time in 1839. By 1876 the British had gradually consolidated their power in eastern Balochistan through a series of wars and diplomatic contacts. Relations between Britain and Kalat were governed by a series of formal agreements and treaties imposed upon the latter during this period. These treaties gave the British rights of passage through Kalat in 1839, the right to station troops in 1854, the right to extend Indo European Telegraph Line through coastal Makkuran in 1863, and other rights giving Britain some major economic .and territorial .concessions. Article 3 of the treaty signed between the two sides in 1854 bound Kalat"... to enter into no negotiations with other states without its [Britain’s] consent, the usual friendly correspondence with neighbors being continued as before.,,(52) These provisions were reaffirmed in a final treaty signed by the parties in 1876 when the British government undertook"... to respect the independence of Kalat, and to aid the Khan in case of need in the maintenance of a just authority and the protection of his territories from external attack(53) This treaty reduced Kalat to a semi-independent or protected state by limiting or transferring its responsibility for defense and foreign affairs to the British, while recognizing - at least in theory-its sovereign status with respect to its internal affairs.
British colonial rule set in motion a process that led to the gradual disintegration of Kalat’s central authority; the division of Balochistan among Iran. Afghanistan, and British India; and the eventual downfall of the Kalat state as the symbol of Balochi political independence in the aftermath of British departure from the subcontinent in 1947. In the first place, Balochistan under the British was carved into several political and administrative units that reduced Kalat to the central highlands and the eastern Makkuran by the turn of the century, the northern belt adjacent to Afghanistan was occupied and administered directly by the British, forming what was then called "British Balochistan." It became the center for the British military bases that controlled access routes to and from Afghanistan. The principalities of Kharan and Las Bella declared their independence from Kalat and were recognized as such by the British. There were also the so-called agencies territories, such as the district of Nushki and Nasir Abad, held in lease form the Khan of Kalat. Kalat, however, expected the reversion of its sovereign rights over these territories on the, cessation of British power in India.
More disturbing for the Kalat and the Baloch, however, was the international division of Balochistan. As will be elaborated in the next chapter, the Goldsmid Line drawn in 1871 by a British general of the same name and delimited in 1896 gave western Balochistan to Persia, even though it remained as a British sphere of influence until the 1920s. Moreover, the Durand Line drawn in 1894 transferred a small portion of northern Balochistan to Afghanistan. Since western Balochistan will be the focus of the discussion in the next chapters,’ here it is necessary to concentrate on the state 9f a {fairs in Kalat under British colonial rule that lasted’ until 1947 when the Balochi Doura came to its end.
In the second place, the central power of the Kalat khans was weakened and underlined by a parallel system of administration introduced by the British and known as the’ Sandman System of administration after its author who served as the British political agent in Balochistan. Under this system, the British officially undertook to arbitrate the disputes arising between the khan in council and his sardars (chieftains), as well as those among the sardars themselves, a role that had been historically a prerogative of the khan prior to the British. At the center of this administration were the residents British Political Agent at the court of the khan with the duty of guiding the Khan in conducting the affairs of his state, the Agent to the Governor-General of India administering British Balochistan, and the political agents at the district levels.
Although sardars traditionally had enjoyed a great degree of autonomy with respect to their domains and subjects and were present at jirgas (tribal councils) presided over by the Khan or his representative, they nevertheless were part of a strict hierarchy which constituted a chain of command and communication centered on the khans of Kalat. Once supported by British military power and administrative supervision and assured of British subsidies, they were able to defy the khan and his government at will. This parallel system transferred the central position of ’authority from .the khan to the British officials, weakened the traditional institutions of upward-downward flow of information, and gave sardars an immense power over the lives and properties of their masses. It served as a powerful instrument in the hand of the British for controlling the rebellious tribes and regions and playing different tribes against one another.(54)
In the third place, since British interests in Balochistan were engendered more by strategic, than economic considerations, they,) made hardly any contribution to the general socio-economic and political development’ 9f the country. The extent to which modern economic sectors were developed was limited to construction of a few lines of railroad in northern Balochistan from 1891 to 1905, the modernization of the ports of Gwadar and Pasni in coastal Makkuran, the extension of the British telegraph line through Makkuran, the construction of several cantonments in British Balochistan and related servicing facilities. These were constructed and manned by the British largely through imported labor from outside Balochistan. They had a very limited impact on the lot of the masses of Balochi population and resulted in no drastic improvement in the persistent economic backwardness of the country. The extent of this underdevelopment could be illustrated best by the fact that eastern Balochistan had only six towns with a combined population of 40.000 at the turn of the century. In 1903 the country had two secondary and twenty-two elementary schools, while in 1943 the number of schools did not exceed eighty. (55)
Nevertheless, a limited number of Balochis, consisting for the 1110St part of sardars and city dwellers, were exposed to the benefits of modern education and service facilities created mainly by and for the use of the British themselves. They formed the original nucleus of the .modern Balochi national movement, crystallized then in such organizations as Anjuman-e-Ittehad-e-Balochistan (Society for the Unity of Balochistan. S.U.B.) and the Kalat National Party, both established in the early 1930s, as well as the Anjuman- Ittehad-e Balochistan (The Balochi Reformation Society) founded in 1946. Influenced by the anti-colonial struggle of the Congress Party of India and the October Revolution of the Soviet Union, the founders of the modern Balochi nationalist movement sought to promote the goal of establishing a united and independent Balochistan after the British departure from the scene. It was also in the 1930s that the first national publications like al-Baloch, Published by S.U.B, began to appear in addition to official publications such as Balochistan Gazette. Although these organizations had a narrow fop6_ing, ’they played an important role in raising a new l1-_tional consciousness that transcended the then-prevailing tribal -outlook in the country. For this they were under constant surveillance and suppression by the British.
Moreover, they were few in numbers and too weak in organization to reform the British-supported old state structure or to withstand the tide of events that preceded the British departure in 1947. (56)
Upon the British departure in 1947, the Khan of Kalat, Ahman Yar Khan, declared the independence of the Kalat State on August 15, 1947, one day after the new state of Pakistan was established but ten months later, in April 1948. His state was overrun by the Pakistani army, as described in chapter VII. And so the Baloch Doura came to an end on April 1, 1948 when the last sovereign Baloch political entity lost its independence.
(37) Sardar Khan, The Great Ba1llcl1. pp. 138-39.
(38) Inayt Baluch, "Tribal System in Balochistan. Its Origin and Its Transformation into a Cruel and Reactionary System," Politics of ?~Pakistan, April 1980, pp, G-B, 15
(39) Sykes. Ten 111011S8Jld Miles, p. 103
(40) Hughes. pp. 186-87. For a brief account of the history of the Kalat Khanate, see, also. H. Pottinger. 1hwels in Balochistan and Sindh (Karachi. Indus Publication, 1976), pp. 276-90; Nina Bailey Swidler, the Political Structure of a Tribal Federation, ’I11e Brahui of Balochistan (Ph.D. Dissertation, Columbia University. 1969); Sardar Khan. HistO1Y of the Ball1clI Race, pp. 75
127; Marri, Searchlights. pp. 225-49. ..
(41) Mir Ahmad Yar Khan Baloch, Inside Balochistan. p. 84.
(42) Harrison. In Afghanistan?Ts.)shadow. p. 16
(43) Gankovsky. Peoples of Pakistan. p. 151; Sardar ’Khan. History of the Baloch Race. p. 123. .
(44) Hughes, pp. 185-86; Sardar Khan. History of the Baloch Race. p.123.
(45) Harrison, /11 Afgl/tll1istlll1’s. p. 18.
(46) Pottinger. p. 285.
(47) Gankovsky. Peoples of Pakistan. p. 151
(48) Nina Baily swidler.
(49) Mir Ahmed Yar Khan Baloch. From inside balochistan1, p. 85 (50) Syskes, Tel111lO11sand Miles in Persia. pp. lO3_4.
(61) For an account of the evolution of "the Great Game" and the eventual expansion of the frontiers of the British Raj beyond Sindh and Punjab. see Edward Ingrao The Beginning of tlIe Great Gillne in Asis-1828-1834 (Oxford, Clar_ndon Press. 1979); Richard Isaac Bruce. The Forward Policy and ItJ Results (London. nop.. 1900); Thomas Henry Thornton; Colonel Silo Robel.! Sandemallt His Life and WO1:k 011 Our Indian Frontier (Quetta. Gosha-e-Adab.
1977)
(52) Mir Ahmad Yar Khan Baloch, Inside Baluchistan, p. 225
53) Ibid, p. 231. For the texts ofoth_r treaties also concluded between the Kalat and the British governments. see other appendixes in the same work.
(54) For a general account of British policies toward the Kalat Khanate, see Terence Greaghcorn. The Indian Political Service, A Stlldy in IndirectRllJe
(London, Ghotto & W. Indus, 1971). pp. 151-61; Wayne Ayress Wilcoy. . Pakistan, The Consolidation 01. a Nation (New York; Columbia University Press. 1963). pp. 144-47; Ainslie T. Embree. ed.. Pakistan’s western .
Borderlands, The Transl.ormation 01. a Political Order (Durham. Carolina Academic Press, 1977). pp. 1-23,24-41; Conrad Coffield. The Princely India Know. From Rreading to Moulltbatten (India. Indo-British Historical Society. 1975). pp. 37-46. 115-18; Feroz Ahmad. FOCIIS on Balllchistanand Pllshtoon Question (Lahore. Peoples’s Publication House. 1975).
(55) Gank?vsky. Peoples of Pakistan, p. 20G.
(56) - Ibid" pp. 207-8; Harrison, In Afghanistan’s Shadow. pp. 22-23; Malik M, Towghi. "The Emergence of Modern Baloch Political Movement. 1920-1948" (Michigan. 1979). p. 11.
|
