Tuesday, April 28, 2009
Dr Abid Q Suleri
When exclusion through discriminated access and lack of equitable distribution of benefits from resources gets a regional or religious identity, it turns the natural resources from a blessing to a curse. This is exactly what is happening in Balochistan for many decades. Balochistan's underdevelopment and poverty is exaggerated by political instability, the law-and-order situation, and growing insurgency. Americans are openly claiming that Al Qaeda leaders are in Balochistan and the option of drone attacks there is already on the cards.
One cannot ignore the ground realties and blame external factors for the unrest in Balochistan. The Baloch have been deprived of their due share and local resources for too long and now they have come to a stage where they don't believe in sharing but demand "local resources for the local people." The mysterious killing of three nationalist leaders has reignited the anti-federation movement in Balochistan. Even those nationalist parties which want to be part of the political system have to face strong criticism because of their failure to win their rights of the province through the formal political process. The ordinary Baloch still faces police cases filed on political grounds, abductions, and extrajudicial killings. For an ordinary Baloch the provincial budget is always deficit where the public-sector development programmes are linked to the release of royalty funds by the central government.
Balochistan was the first province where gas was discovered, back in 1953. Even today it produces almost 30 percent of the natural gas in Pakistan. It has received only 12.4 percent its royalties from the federal government. The backlog dating back to 1953 runs into tens of billions of rupees. The federal government confesses it does not have the funds to pay them. The effect of non-payment of royalties on the public development in Balochistan could have been compensated by supply of gas to the province. However, it is an irony that Quetta, the capital of Balochistan, did not receive gas until 1986, and partially, because a military cantonment had been established there. Even today just five out of 26 districts in Balochistan have gas supply and Quetta city has only 4 CNG filling stations. So the province receives neither its share of the gas it produces, nor the royalties. This situation provides the provincial government an easy excuse not to fulfil its obligations for public development in the province.
According to research carried out by the SDPI and the United Nations' World Food Programme, Dera Bugti is the worst food-insecure district of Pakistan, after Tharparker. The worst 20 food insecure districts of Pakistan contain 11 districts of Balochistan. Poverty and marginalisation have a direct linkage with violence and militancy. When people get deprived of their basic rights find no harm in challenging the status quo through violence. At least they get their voice heard and may turn the system in their favour. While in the NWFP one may blame Islamic militants behind the militancy and growing insurgencies, in Balochistan extremism is increasing due to socio-economic marginalisation.
All major political parties are supportive of reforming the current population-based criterion of the NFC Award in a way that would take into account regional disparities and other concerns of federating units. Perhaps one should ask Rehman Malik whether India and Russia are also supporting the existing conflict-generating formula for resource distribution among provinces and the centre.
We may not have learnt anything from fall of Dhaka. However, one needs to learn from fall of Swat and Buner. The grievances of the Baloch have to be addressed without ado; otherwise it would be impossible to control the fire in Balochistan.
http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=174643 |
